Many of our modern clichés about the impact of
technology, particularly about the consequences of the
internet and telecommunications, first appeared as clichés
about nineteenth-century railroads, particularly the
transcontinental railroads in North America. People
remarked on the annihilation of time and space with
an enduring sense of wonder whenever a railroad penetrated
a new region. When passengers found that they could
get to distant places more quickly, they translated
reduced time into contracting space and spoke as if
distant places had grown closer. The human experience
of space depended on the speed of conveyance. With the
Atlantic cable and the transcontinentals, Margaret Irvein
Carrington wrote in 1869 “with only a single wire
to underlie the Pacific, the whole earth will become
as a whispering gallery, wherein all nations, by one
electric pulsation, may throb in unison, and the continent
shall tremble with the rumbling of wheels that swiftly
and without interruption or delay transport its gospel
and commerce.” By 1869, the Pacific Coast was
only four days from Omaha, and Carrington reported that
“[a]n officer of the army recently returned in
forty hours over a distance which required a march of
sixty-four days in 1866.”
It is only after the Civil War that the railroads really
began to create technologically coherent systems. In
1860 there were 31,286 miles of American railroads,
but they could hardly be thought of as a system or even
a collection of systems. The main reason was that there
was no single standard gauge—the distance between
the rails-- for tracks. The standard gauge in North
America today is 4 feet 8 ½ inches, and by 1860
that was the dominant gauge in much of the eastern United
States. It was used in roughly one-half of the total
mileage, but it was only one of the more than twenty
gauges in use. Five feet was the standard gauge in the
South. It was as if hobbyists were trying to connect
Lionel tracks with HO tracks, and to make matters worse,
lines coming into a city often did not connect. Workers
would have to load goods on wagons and transport them
across town to another railroad. Trains stopped at rivers
where passengers and goods had to be ferried across.
The Civil War was not the primary impetus for standardizing
gauges, but it quickened the pace of change. The need
to transport men and supplies rapidly without unnecessary
breaks gave urgency to the complaints of merchants,
who had long resented the increased costs of transshipments.
Lincoln’s decision to make the Pacific Railway,
the first transcontinental, using a standard gauge (4
feet, 8 ½ inches), ratified a consensus that
had already emerged, but the ratification was nonetheless
important. It compelled Pacific Coast railways, where
the early gauge was 5 feet, to change, and provided
an incentive to all lines connecting with the Pacific
Railway to adopt the standard gauge. It was a major
step toward continental uniformity. Although the South
would continue to fight the standard gauge even after
the Civil War, it lost that fight as thoroughly as it
lost the war.
In the years after the Civil War, railroad technology
underwent, as Steven Usselman has put it, “virtually
perpetual refinement.” Except for the gauge, virtually
everything about railroad lines grew larger: the locomotives,
the weight of the rails, the bridges, the cars. Iron
rails gave way to steel rails that could carry heavier
loads, and wooden bridges increasingly yielded to iron.
Increases in size and weight brought changes to braking
systems and suspension systems, and improvements in
these allowed further increases in size of the machinery.
This “bulking up” was not so much a necessity
for the movement of people as for the movement of things.
The ability to move heavy things long distances at relatively
cheap rates was the real economic significance of the
railroads. In 1869, the year that the first transcontinental
railroad was completed, Dan Castello’s Circus
and Menagerie stopped in Cheyenne, Wyoming, then a raw
railroad town on the Union Pacific. The elephants that
disembarked were unlikely beasts in an unlikely place,
but elephants in Cheyenne were as apt a symbol as any
of the reorganization of the world through steam technology.
If a railroad could cross hundreds of miles to deliver
elephants and Moroccan acrobats into frontier towns,
what couldn’t they deliver across vast and forbidding
distances? The presence of elephants signaled the vast
reach of American popular culture and the way the railroads
could pull once isolated regions into new orbits. The
arrival of railroads signaled the creation of a new
set of spatial relations and a new set of material connections.
Elephants disembarking from a railroad train also symbolized
the increased speed with which the flora and fauna of
continents could mix and mingle. Railroad technology
influenced Americans’ ideas of nature and shaped
the ways Americans changed the natural world. We tend
to think of technology as antithetical to nature, but
this was not a nineteenth-century attitude. The locomotive
was, after all, the iron horse. Western railroads were
the most modern of industrial products set in midst
of what North Americans regarded as primeval nature.
This is one reason that they so fascinated Americans.
In the United States intellectuals and popular writers
had already accepted “the machine in the garden”
as a defining symbol of the republic, marking Americans
as both a people of progress and a people of nature.
Western railroads promoted travel on their western lines
as a journey into nature. The 1879 edition of The
Pacific Tourist made the transcontinental trip
seem both an inspirational immersion in nature and a
journey utterly devoid of physical effort or discomfort.
Upon seeing the mountains, “[w]ithout scarcely
asking the cause the tourist is full of glow and enthusiasm.”
To bring passengers into nature, the railroads consumed
the raw stuff of nature. Railroads were by the late
nineteenth-century the largest consumers of wood and
coal in the United States. To make the iron and steel
that went into the trains, men mined iron ore and coal.
Once in operation, these trains caused forests to fall
and the earth to be ripped open. In the West, buffalo
yielded to cattle, and cattle overgrazed the ranges
which allowed invading plants to follow in their footsteps.
Farmers transformed vast grasslands into corn and wheat.
Industrial towns grew up around mines and consumed vast
swaths of timber. None of this could have happened in
the way it did or with the speed it did without the
railroads carrying buffalo hides, cattle, corn and wheat
to market.
Although railroads improved the lives of many Americans,
they took a toll on those who operated them. Even though
railroad companies moved reasonably quickly to improve
safety for passengers with the Westinghouse automatic
brake, platforms between cars and other improvements,
they moved much more slowly to protect their workers.
Commentators often compared working on the railroads
to wars, and the number of deaths and injuries was astonishing.
In 1889, 2,000 men were killed working on the railroads
and 20,000 were injured. The vast majority did not die
in spectacular accidents but rather in the everyday
work of coupling cars, laboring in crowded yards full
of moving machinery, and balancing on the top of moving
railroad cars to tighten hand brakes. Most railroad
companies did not put automatic brakes on freights until
the early twentieth century. In a very real sense in
the late nineteenth century, railroad companies found
it cheaper to kill and maim workers than to install
available, safer technologies. President Benjamin Harrison
called these deaths and injuries “a reproach to
our civilization.” Dead bodies, severed hands
and fingers, and legs lost as trains ran over them formed
the final grim connection between technology and nature.
Such preventable deaths were another reason Americans
loved this new technology but did not love the men who
owned the railroads. Anthony Trollope declared that
among Americans “the railway is everything. It
is the first necessity of life, and gives the only hope
of wealth.” The locomotive had “been taken
to the bosoms of them all as a domestic animal.”
But railroad corporations in the late nineteenth century
were reviled as monopolies whose control over movement
and thus over space were undemocratic and unsuited to
the lives of free people. Nineteenth-century Americans
made a distinction somewhat akin to our distinction
between hardware and software. The tracks, locomotives,
cars and bridges were the hardware, and the rate tables
and schedules were the software. How the trains and
the technology affected people’s lives depended
on the rates and schedules. Critics of the railroads
maintained that the railroads routinely discriminated
against some people, places and things in favor of others.
Charges of discrimination had resonance because they
touched both the material interests of millions and
basic notions of republican equity. Because railroads
were chartered by the state, because the government
used its powers of eminent domain to aid the railroads,
because governments granted land to railroads and loaned
some railroads credit, and because the railroads were
public highways under common law, they had greater obligations
to the public than normal businesses. It was unjust,
critics argued, for railroad corporations to set rates
that discriminated against the citizens of the government
which gave them life. The railroads should not be allowed
to use their control over technology to choose winners
and losers by controlling rates. In fact, the railroads
often did choose winners and losers. In the western
United States, it was as if all towns were on wheels.
When rates changed, space changed. When railroad rates
made it more expensive to ship goods from Chicago to
Spokane than from Chicago to Seattle, which was farther
away, it was as if all the merchants in Seattle moved
closer to Chicago and all the merchants in Spokane moved
farther away.
In the nineteenth century, like today, new technologies
changed the way that Americans lived. Then, as now,
some people had far more control over technological
changes than others. Railroads spurred a long contest
over technology—its public purposes and consequences
and its private ownership –that is with us still.
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