Although World War II is covered in most school curriculua,
the story of American citizens who were stripped of
their civil liberties here, on American soil, during
that war is often omitted. Yet what happened to first-generation
Japanese immigrants, or Issei, and second-generation
Japanese Americans, or Nisei, during World War II, is
critically important to understanding the intensity
of feelings prompted by the attack on Pearl Harbor and
to assessing the impact of that war on our nation.
The day after the Japanese attack (December 7, 1941),
the US government froze assets of the Issei, and the
FBI began to follow community leaders with strong Japanese
ties. As American citizens, Issei and Nisei had enjoyed
the rights of any US citizen; now their own government
imposed strict curfews on them and raided their homes
for “contraband”—anything that showed
special connection to their former homeland.
Within two months President Roosevelt signed Executive
Order 9066, authorizing the War Relocation Authority
to force 110,000 Japanese and their American-born children
into relocation camps. Internees relinquished their
communities, homes, and livelihoods for cramped barracks
in isolated interior areas of Arizona, Utah, California,
Wyoming, Arkansas, Idaho, and Colorado. Officially,
the government declared that the forced relocation was
necessary for Japanese Americans’ safety. Unofficially,
however, these citizens had become the enemy—and
America had to be protected from them. There was widespread
agreement that the Issei and Nisei needed to be removed
from the coast where collusion with the Japanese was
easy and, it was believed, likely.
Some Japanese American families saw the writing on the
wall and voluntarily left the West Coast before being
forced to leave. Others tried to exist as normally as
possible until they were given directives to pack up
their lives and go. They were given a week to tie up
loose ends, close businesses, and pull children out
of schools before congregating at assigned assembly
centers. They could take nothing with them other than
what they could carry themselves, and these belongings
would have to sustain many of them for the better part
of four years since internment didn’t officially
end until 1946.
Relocation wreaked havoc on traditional family and gender
roles. Japanese men felt emasculated by the low wages
they received for menial tasks in the camps, and women
felt shamed in barrack commodes that left them exposed
when they dressed and relieved themselves. Rather than
sit for quiet family meals, fathers started eating with
other men, while mothers fed their infants alone. Accommodations
were so crowded that teenagers left for more privacy,
further disintegrating the traditional Japanese family.
The PBS website for the internment documentary "Children
of Camps" provides wonderful first-hand accounts
of children and adult internees, and Valerie Matsumoto’s
oral testimonials of daily life in the camps collectively
paint the horrors of internment but also the sometimes
positive changes that resulted from detainment. Matsumoto’s
accounts from the Nisei generation reveal feelings of
disillusionment, but they also reveal a surprising expansion
of intellectual and professional horizons. Girls, for
example, took advantage of loosening family bonds to
make inroads into higher education and careers that
they likely would not have explored before internment.
Matsumoto follows several Nisei women through the war
years and beyond to show the drastic redirection their
lives took, for better or worse, as a consequence of
being interned.
My own students often greet these accounts of internment
with disbelief. Surely American citizens could not be
detained against their will and interned as the result
of official policy. Surely this wasn’t official
policy, they protest. Surely other Americans didn’t
know this was going on. It is crucial, therefore, to
help students understand the social and cultural milieu
in which other Americans would be complicit with these
acts. The attack on Pearl Harbor had unleashed a wave
of aggression against Japanese Americans that had been
sublimated but, in the wake of the attack, now found
an outlet. Workers and businessmen who long competed
with the Japanese for wages and profits were eager supporters
of the removal policy. Anti-Japanese sentiment quickly
became widespread among those who did not stand to profit
immediately from the confiscation of property and the
removal of business and labor competition. From Dr.
Seuss cartoons to the covers of mainstream magazines,
Japanese Americans were caricatured and referred to
by the derogatory term “Japs.” A prejudice
that had manifested itself in the Immigration Act of
1924 and other racially discriminatory measures again
reared its head in the internment camps.
After the war, the US government proved slow to apologize
for these extreme wartime policies. It is only in the
last two decades that apologies and reparations have
been provided. But, perhaps how the experience has been
preserved in our historical memory is more important
than these apologies or reparations.
In 1992, the Civil Liberties Act authorized the National
Japanese-American Memorial to be built on federal land,
and the Japanese American community began raising funds
and conceptualizing the narrative that the memorial
would present to the public. What the memorial tells
us—and what it remains silent about—suggests
the complexity of confronting the past and honoring
it in the present.
Initially, planners intended to honor Japanese Americans
who served in the military during World War II. Then
it was agreed that the memorial should also represent
the internment experience and Japanese patriotism and
valor more broadly construed. But the memorial planners
quickly discovered that there was no universal way to
define these heroic qualities, no way to represent them
outside of a specific historical context, even though
they were crucial in shaping a positive sense of Japanese
Americans for visitors to the projected memorial.
The memorial committee decided to quote excerpts of
a creed written by Mike Masaoka, a member of the Japanese
American Citizen’s League who served as the organization’s
executive secretary until enlisting for military duty
in 1943. In his creed, Masaoka wrote of his pride in
being a citizen of a country who “boasted of her
history” and “gloried in her heritage.”
He minimized the discrimination he experienced before
the war and insisted he would continue to be a firm
believer in “American sportsmanship” and
“fair play.” He would always defend America
against her enemies, obey her laws, and respect her
flag. He openly linked his own success to America’s
political supremacy in the world. But if the creed gave
voice to Japanese-American patriotism, it could not
preserve the historical memory of detention and relocation,
for it had been written in 1940, before the policy of
internment began.
Planners agreed that Japanese American men who served
in the military—members of the 100th Infantry
Battalion, the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, the 1399th
Engineer Construction Battalion, and members of the
Military Intelligence Service—should be represented
in the memorial. To lend stature to the project they
also included quotations by Harry S. Truman and Ronald
Reagan, whose words, probably out of context, seemed
appropriate for such a structure. In addition, they
agreed to include quotes by Congressman Norman Mineta,
a man whose family was detained in a Wyoming camp, and
Senator Daniel Inouye, who served in the 442nd. The
successful public careers of these men seemed to prove
that, despite overt discrimination against them, Japanese
Americans could succeed in the traditional sense and
live the “American Dream.”
But, in the end, the story told and the memories preserved
by the memorial remain incomplete. Was military and
political service the only way Japanese Americans could
exhibit patriotism or valor? What about the ordinary
Japanese American men and women who managed to keep
their families intact while detained in the camps? Was
theirs a story of heroism that deserved to be remembered
and told? Should the men and women who actively resisted
discrimination by dodging the draft, sabotaging War
Relocation efforts, or secretly running businesses that
had been declared illegal also be memorialized? In the
end, the burden of a more complete account of the Japanese
American experience during the war rests on the shoulders
of historians and teachers.
| For more information
about Japanese American internment during
World War II, including an interactive page
on Korematsu v. United States, the
supreme court case challenging the relocation
of Japanese Americans, visit our Additional
Resources Page. |
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