Revolutionary Philadelphia
by Ray Raphael
Independent Scholar
The image is so clear in our minds, seen first in elementary school and
reinforced countless times since: a few dozen gentlemen with powdered
wigs and period suits (coats, waistcoats, and knee-length breeches) gathered
in a large meeting room, some standing and some sitting, but all up to
something important. Visually, John Trumbull’s painting of the Declaration
of Independence is not exactly lively, but we know and cherish the story
it signifies — our Founding Fathers pledging their lives, fortunes,
and sacred honor in support of independence. It was the nation’s
founding moment.
Eleven years later there would be another grand moment, in the exact same
chamber. With no famous portrait to consult, we conjure our own sensory
images. We know it was stifling hot within that closed-up room, the windows
and shutters sealed to keep the proceedings secret. We imagine the perspiration
flowing as our Founding Fathers (a mostly different set this time, although
we rarely take note of that) devised a Constitution to guide the fledgling
nation.
These two interior scenes define a nation, a city, and a time: the United
States of America, as created in Philadelphia in 1776 and 1787. We know
and cherish the city for what it has given us. But what of the city itself,
outside that forty-foot square chamber in the East Wing of the Pennsylvania
State House?
Philadelphia in those days was the commercial and cultural hub of the
British colonies. During the boom stimulated by the French and Indian
War, it had surpassed Boston as North America’s largest city [see
the interactive map
of urban expansion in this issue of History Now]. Streets
were paved with stone and met each other at proper right angles. (The
streets in Boston and New York, by contrast, had evolved from cow trails.)
Wagons, drays, coaches, chariots, and chaises carried freight and passengers
over the cobbles, while pedestrians strolled on flat brick sidewalks.
Since 1752, the city had even been lit at night. Three-story houses butted
against each other, crowding out untamed nature. For its residents, Philadelphia
appeared a haven of European-styled “civilization” at the
edge of a large, and largely unknown, continent.
Within this city, Independence Hall (as we now call the State House) was
not the only venue to host the American Revolution. There were several
others, such as:
The Waterfront. This was the lifeblood of the city. From Philadelphia’s
docks, the produce of interior regions was loaded onto oceangoing vessels,
in exchange for rum, molasses, and a wide assortment of manufactured
goods from Europe. To the docks came wave after wave of indentured servants,
and some African slaves as well. Philadelphia was the “New York”
of the time, a rich melting pot of ethnicities and nationalities that
made it a truly cosmopolitan city.
Since much of colonial discontent centered on issues of trade, the waterfront
became a battleground of sorts. In the late 1760s, when American patriots
agreed not to import British goods, artisans, who supported local manufactures,
rubbed against wealthy merchants, who relied heavily on British trade.
In 1773, when the East India Company tried to dump its surplus tea on
the American market, patriots patrolled the shores of the river, waiting
to turn the tea ships away.
Market Square. At the junction of Second Street and High (now
called Market Street), an open swath of cobblestone was bordered by
the Court House, the Greater Meeting House, and long rows of covered
market stalls. It was here the local militiamen mustered and trained,
ready to defend their city.
Workshops. During the third quarter of the eighteenth century,
Philadelphia’s “mechanics,” people who worked with
their hands for a living, developed a will of their own. Rising in opposition
to the “better sort” who controlled the provincial government,
they challenged local hierarchies and British oppressions simultaneously.
One group was particularly instrumental in fomenting unrest: printers.
Through newspapers and broadsides, patriots preached and planned a formidable
resistance movement. Early in 1776, local printers produced an inflammatory
pamphlet called Common
Sense, written be a recent immigrant from England, a failed
stay-maker named Tom Paine.
Public houses (taverns). In Philadelphia, as elsewhere in the
colonies, men who drank together found it easier to suspend the customary
patterns of deference. Raising toast after toast, they encouraged each
other to take the next step on the path to rebellion. The London Coffee
House (drinks there were not limited to coffee) played host to a group
of radical activists who planned numerous mass meetings. At the City
Tavern, the plushest of the lot, delegates to the Continental Congress
dined and caucused. In taverns throughout the city, men read aloud and
debated the ideas presented in Common Sense.
Carpenters’ Hall. In the early 1770s, the Philadelphia
Carpenters’ Company, the oldest craft guild in America, constructed
its own meeting space, a handsome structure, less ornate than the State
House, that housed several important gatherings. As soon as the building
was completed, Ben Franklin moved his Library Company upstairs; there,
people not only read but talked about philosophy and politics.
- On September 5, 1774, in the large meeting room downstairs, the
First Continental Congress held its opening session. Members of the
conservative Pennsylvania Assembly had offered to host Congress at
the State House, but most delegates felt more comfortable talking
about resistance in a venue not formally tied to the British Crown.
While seated in personalized chairs made by local craftsman, delegates
decided to support and coordinate the resistance.
- In June of 1776, a different sort of revolution was fomented in
Carpenters’ Hall. By that time, most Pennsylvanians and most
Americans had come to favor independence, but the Pennsylvania Assembly
instructed its delegates in the Continental Congress to oppose it.
The best way to counter the Assembly, radical patriots reasoned, was
to supplant it with a new governmental body, authorized by a new Constitution.
And so it was that in Carpenters’ Hall, a Provincial Congress
organized a separate Constitutional Convention for Pennsylvania. That
summer, meeting in the West Wing of the State House, across the hall
from the Continental Congress, the Convention passed the most democratic
of all state constitutions. All power was vested in a single legislature,
directly responsible to the people. Meetings were open to the public.
All proposed bills had to be printed and disseminated, and none could
be passed until the following session, after the people themselves
had had a chance to debate the issue.
State House Yard. Outside the State House, in an area originally
defined by the Pennsylvania Assembly as “a public open green and
walk for ever,” common citizens during Revolutionary days gathered
in extra-legal “town meetings” to debate the issues of the
day and take decisive actions. For instance:
- On October 5, 1765, several thousand citizens pressured the Stamp
Act Collector to forsake his duties.
- On July 30, 1768, another large crowd voiced its support for the
Massachusetts Assembly, which had just been disbanded because it defied
royal authority.
- On December 27, 1773, an estimated 8,000 people voiced their support
for the Boston Tea Party. A ship bearing tea had just anchored downriver
in the Delaware, and the people warned its captain, who had been ushered
into town, that the “Committee of Tarring and Feathering”
had prepared for him some “Pitch and Feathers,” should
he attempt to land the tea. (He chose instead to return to Britain,
his cargo unloaded.)
- On June 18, 1774, several thousand people met once again at the
State House Yard to endorse the idea of a Continental Congress, call
for a Provincial Conference to choose delegates, and set up a Committee
of Correspondence for the city of Philadelphia.
- On April 25, 1775, as soon as the news of Lexington and Concord
arrived in town, nearly 8,000 men gathered and “unanimously
agreed to associate [take up arms], for the purpose of defending their
Property, Liberty and Lives.”
- On May 20, 1776, despite a driving rain, 4,000 people decided to
replace the conservative Assembly and set up a new government. (This
meeting led to the gathering of delegates from across Pennsylvania
in Carpenters’ Hall the following month, the Constitutional
Convention in July, and finally the ultra-democratic Pennsylvania
Constitution, as described above.)
- On July 8, 1776, “a great concourse of people” gathered
in the State House Yard to hear the first public reading of the Declaration
of Independence. After three rounds of spirited “huzzahs,”
some of the crowd entered the State House and tore down the King’s
Arms. Come evening, under a clear, starry sky, people lit bonfires
and rang bells and generally caroused about town.
- On June 21, 1783, several hundred soldiers from the Pennsylvania
Line met in the yard and surrounded the State House, demanding their
pay from the Continental Congress, which was meeting inside. Although
British rule was over, the practice of public demonstrations for redress
of grievances continued.
All this is not to diminish the importance of what happened in the East
Wing of the State House in 1776 and 1787, but only to provide a wider
context for those grand events.
On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee of Virginia introduced a motion in
Congress: “Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right
ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from
all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection
between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally
dissolved.” Three weeks earlier, the Virginia Convention had called
upon its congressional delegates to introduce just such a resolution,
yet delegates from several other colonies still opposed independence,
and some were under specific instructions from their provincial assemblies
to vote against it. Rather than force the issue immediately, Congress
tabled the matter till July 1.
Back home in the colonies, the people went to work. Pennsylvania’s
new Provincial Convention issued instructions to vote for independence.
So did several county conventions in Maryland, the colony that had been
most fervently in opposition. On June 28, the Maryland Convention voted
unanimously for independence. Immediately, Samuel Chase wrote triumphantly
to John Adams: “See the glorious Effects of County Instructions.
Our people have fire if not smothered.”
On the morning of July 1, just as Congress resumed debate on Lee’s
motion, Chase’s letter was delivered to Adams within the East Wing
chamber. Maryland was in tow, but Pennsylvania’s delegates were
still divided, some answering to the instructions of the Assembly and
others to the Provincial Convention. By the next day, however, the Pennsylvania
delegation had made its decision: by a vote of three-to-two, with two
delegates abstaining, Pennsylvania supported independence, as did 12 of
the 13 colonies. (The delegates from New York abstained, for they had
been instructed not to vote either way.)
And so it was, on July 2, 1776, a new nation was born. Two days later,
Congress approved its formal Declaration of Independence. Today, we celebrate
the document; back then, the fact of independence counted for more than
its representation. On July 3, before the Declaration had been finalized,
John Adams wrote to his wife Abigail:
The second day of July, 1776, will be the most memorable epocha in
the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated
by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival. It ought
to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion
to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with
shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illumination, from
one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward forevermore.
Many teachers and students of American history have read or heard Adams’s
prediction, which has proved correct in everything but the date. Less
known, but more significant, is his description in the same letter of
the political process that culminated in independence:
Time has been given for the whole people maturely to consider the great
question of independence, and to ripen their judgment, dissipate their
fears, and allure their hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and pamphlets,
by debating it in assemblies, conventions, committees of safety and
inspection, in town and county meetings, as well as in private conversation,
so that the whole people, in every colony of the thirteen, have now
adopted it as their own act.
Adams knew, and we should too, that what transpired within the Pennsylvania
State House had been made possible by the revolution that was happening
in many other locales and venues.
The context for the Constitutional Convention in 1787 was altogether different.
The meeting then was not influenced by mass rallies at the State House Yard,
thousands of conversations in taverns, or resolutions passed in meeting
houses across the land. Instead, it was an inside job, the result of politicking
by smart and influential men who desired a stronger government — politically,
financially, diplomatically, and militarily — than the existing Articles
of Confederation could deliver.
The tone was more conservative this time: there was a notable absence of
grandstanding, no pledge of lives, fortunes, and sacred honor. The substance
was more conservative as well: no insistence on popular control, as was
evidenced in the Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776. Instead, government
was placed at arms distance from the people, with only one-half of one of
the three branches under their direct control. The “framers,”
as we call them, faced an abundance of troublesome issues, several of which
we study at length: the power of large states versus small states, for instance,
and what to do about slavery. Despite their differences, however, all delegates
shared an overarching goal: to create a powerful and efficient central government,
but not so powerful as to invite or enable tyranny.
On September 17, when all was said and done, the framers opened the chamber
doors. One large hurdle remained: the Constitution they created had to be
sold to the people. At this late point in the game, when no additional input
would be accepted, the nation embarked on its second grand debate. The issue
was simply whether to accept or reject the plan, a take-it or leave-it proposition.
“We, the people” were asked to approve the new form of government,
but the “people” did not drive the process forward, as they
had done eleven years earlier.
Taking an overview of the two acts of nation-creating that transpired in
Independence Hall, and calling forth as well the events in lesser known
venues, we see history at work in very different ways. Then, as now, power
traveled both up and down social and political hierarchies. It flowed from
inside chambers to the population at large and from the people outside to
the men within. Sometimes the so-called leaders led, as we commonly assume,
but at other times they received their directives from the people and had
little choice but to follow. Our two most sacred documents demonstrate these
opposite trajectories in the political process. The Declaration of Independence
resulted from an immense outpouring of popular sentiment, with commoners
driving their representatives forward. The Constitution, on the other hand,
was conceived in secret behind closed doors, and then marketed to those
outside.
To this day, we are trying to work out the ambiguous implications of these
dissimilar events, which have come to signify both the city and the nation.
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