In recent years, the media has tended to portray U.S.
Latinos of Hispanic Caribbean ancestry as new immigrants.
But this characterization ignores the long connections
between these immigrants and the United States. And
because Puerto Ricans, who have also had a prolonged
presence in the U.S., hold a non-immigrant status, their
experiences have often been entirely excluded from accounts
of U.S. immigrant communities. In fact, the Hispanic
Caribbean role in American history originated long before
the nineteenth century, and it is well documented in
recovered chronicles, letters, and other firsthand accounts
and primary sources. These can be found in projects
such as the “Recovering the U.S. Hispanic Literary
Heritage Project” of Arte Público Press
and in published works such as the Memoirs of Bernardo
Vega (1984).
Vega’s Memoirs are an excellent starting
place for studying the Puerto Rican experience in the
United States. They also shed light on the immigrant
experience, and on community development and collaboration
among Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, Cubans, and other Latin
Americans. Because Vega believed that “in order
to stand on our own two feet, Puerto Ricans of all generations
must begin by affirming our own history,” he was
determined to preserve that heritage. In his Memoirs,
he reconstructed the evolution of a highly organized,
vibrant Puerto Rican and pan-Latino community in the
United States, which spanned almost a century from the
1860s to the 1950s. Vega’s detailed narrative
was a first step in filling this gap in U.S. history.
Vega describes a defining moment at “El Morito,”
a factory on Eighty-sixth Street off New York City’s
Third Avenue, where he was employed during the First
World War. News of a pending strike in the Puerto Rican
sugar industry electrified Vega’s fellow cigar
workers, many of whom were Socialists. Engaged in heated
discussion, the workers sought ways to rally in solidarity
with the island workers. Among the group, one individual
captured Vega’s attention. He was drawn by the
man’s intense oratory, but also by his vaguely
familiar countenance, and the fact that his surname
was also Vega. The author describes his reactions to
the other Vega:
While I listened to Antonio Vega I recalled
how my father used to talk all the time about his lost
brother, who had never been seen or heard from since
he was very young. I’m not sure if it was the
memory that did it, but I know I left deeply moved by
the man who bore my last name … When I went up
to him he jumped to his feet with the ease of an ex-soldier
and responded very courteously when I congratulated
him for his speech. We then struck up a conversation
at the end of which we hugged each other emotionally.
He was none other than my father’s long lost brother.
The introduction into Vega’s memoirs of Tío
Antonio, a man who arrives in New York at the age of nineteen
in 1857 and resides in the city for over sixty years,
is a significant point in the narrative. Antonio not only
embodies the family lineage but evokes the heritage of
all Puerto Rican emigrants to the continental shores well
before the mid-twentieth century. Indeed as the story
unfolds, Antonio becomes the face of countless Cubans,
Dominicans, and Puerto Ricans who immigrated to the United
States as artisans, labor leaders and laborers, professionals,
political exiles, students, merchants, and travelers throughout
the 1800s. Antonio’s broad knowledge of the small
exile Caribbean community before and during the American
Civil War, and his subsequent involvement in the U.S.-based
Antillean liberation movement, as well as his union and
labor activism resonate with the experiences of hundreds
of fellow expatriates. Although Vega was not an eyewitness
to the events of this earlier era, he clearly intended
to rescue historical antecedents from oblivion for the
benefit of future generations.
Contacts, commerce, and communities formed the foundations
of the earliest connections between the Hispanic Caribbean
and what is today the United States. While the voyages
of exploration chronicled by Cabeza de Vaca in 1537
and the founding of St. Augustine in 1565 initiated
bonds between the islands and continental shores, the
nineteenth and early twentieth century expansion of
commercial and diplomatic relations between Spain’s
Caribbean colonies and trading houses in Boston, Philadelphia,
and New York gave rise to identifiable Spanish-speaking
communities. In 1808, El Misisipi became the
first Spanish language newspaper to arise from U.S.
Latino communities. This publication, based in New Orleans,
blazed a trail for the periodical literature that proliferated
throughout the Spanish-speaking barrios of
the nation.
That the first of the Spanish-speaking newspapers appeared
in New Orleans was not surprising. That city, prominent
in Caribbean politics, boasted supporters of both revolutionary
action and the annexationist movements that reflected
the interests of Southern slaveholders. Such sympathies
account for Cuban trade disruptions of the Union blockade
during the Civil War, as well as for the military support
given to the Confederacy by hundreds of Cuban residents
in Florida and Louisiana. Among those who supported
the Confederate cause was Loreta Janeta Velazquez, who
disguised herself as a man to fight for the South; the
Harvard-educated diplomat, José Agustín
Quintero; and St. Augustine’s Sánchez sisters,
who served as Confederate spies.
By 1825 the Hispanic Caribbean presence in the Northeast
included a Cuban exile community in New York City that
espoused Antillean independence. From the smaller Cuban
community in Philadelphia, activist Felix Varela published
Jicotencal (1826), among the first historical
novels written in the United States. Trade associations
as well as literature emerged from the growing Latino
communities. Commercial brokerage houses like the Cuban-Puerto
Rican Benevolent Merchants’ Association, founded
in 1830, reflected the growth of exchange networks during
the antebellum years. By mid-century American ships
laden with sugar and molasses from the Antilles often
carried a second, human cargo of immigrants, who settled
in continental port cities. In New York, a principal
port of call, several waterfront boarding houses owned
by Spanish-speaking entrepreneurs sheltered Hispanic
Caribbean immigrants. These individuals, some 508, according
to the federal census of 1845, found employment on merchant
vessels, on the docks, and in local factories.
Trade and politics continued to bring a steady stream
of merchants and prosperous visitors to the Northeast
in the decades before the Civil War. A group of prominent
Cuban families, the Quesadas, Arangos, and Mantillas,
made their home on 110th Street facing Central
Park, while the family of José de Rivera, a wealthy
sugar and wine trader, settled into an elegant residence
on Bridgeport, Connecticut’s Stratford Street.
Although Rivera was one of the few Latinos in Connecticut
in the 1850s, the 1860 census of New Haven, Connecticut
counted ten Puerto Ricans, one of whom, Augustus Rodríguez
went on to fight in the Civil War.
Between 1868 and 1898, the growing intensity of political
and economic conflicts in Latin America swelled expatriate
communities in the northeast United States. And, in
South Florida, insurgent exiles, unskilled and skilled
workers, and unified cigar workers’ communities
became the backbone of Antillean liberation efforts.
Confronting oppressive colonial structures and the economic
devastation wrought by the Ten Years’ War (1868-1878),
Cubans spearheaded extensions of the island’s
cigar industry in Tampa, Ybor City, and in New York
City, thus providing fertile ground for working-class
immigration. These communities laid the foundations
for the larger Antillean emigrations of the twentieth
century.
Within these expatriate communities, intellectuals
and activists addressed the issues of political independence
and liberty within their homelands. In 1895 the Cuban
and Puerto Rican Revolutionary Party, guided by José
Marti, Francisco Gonzalez (Pachin) Marin, and Sotero
Figueroa, drafted a radical statement, which was ratified
by leading intellectuals, including philosopher-educator
Eugenio María de Hostos, and the writers Lola
Rodríguez de Tió and Emilia Casanova de
Villaverde. The Party’s goals were also endorsed
by activist U.S. and Caribbean-based cells composed
predominantly of working-class, multiracial men and
women.
The outcome of the Spanish-Cuban-American War (1898)
severed the close bonds and common agenda that had linked
Cubans and Puerto Ricans throughout much of the nineteenth
century. Within two years Cuba gained its independence,
but Puerto Rico remained a colony of the United States.
The passage of the Jones Act (1917) made Puertorriqueños
American citizens and facilitated massive migration
throughout the twentieth century. By 1900 half of the
more-than-7,500 Latin Americans in New York City came
from the Hispanic Caribbean, primarily Puerto Rico.
Their small but thriving community, well documented
in Vega’s memoirs and in the collected essays
of Jesús Colón (1982, 1993), boasted an
energetic entrepreneurial spirit, manifested in boarding
houses, small businesses, restaurants, grocery stores
(bodegas), and a sense of community, which could be
found in newspapers and presses, houses of worship,
and a myriad of social and political groups. The 1923
Guia Hispana, a city guide to commercial and
professional services, listed some 275 businesses and
150 professionals that catered to those professionals,
entrepreneurs, and blue-collar workers like Colón,
Vega, and his uncle Antonio who comprised the bulk of
the Latino or Hispanic Caribbean community.
Among cigar workers the practice of La Lectura,
reading aloud in the factories, honed class consciousness,
awareness of workers’ struggles, and community
solidarity.
The only woman to read in the cigar factories, union
activist Luisa Capetillo, personifies the level of involvement
found in this community of workers between the two World
Wars. Capetillo, who ran a vegetarian restaurant and
boarding house on Twenty-second Street and Eighth Avenue,
was a staunch advocate for the rights of women as well
as the working class. Her writings rank among the earliest
feminist discourses in modern America.
Today the Hispanic population of the United States
continues to grow, spurred by economic and political
developments in the Caribbean. During the 1960s the
Puerto Rican population in the United States increased
to one million, or 81 percent of all Latinos in New
York City. And the Cuban Revolution (1959), the Dominican
Civil War (1965), and the immigration reforms of 1965
all dramatically fueled an unprecedented increase among
U.S. Hispanic Caribbeans. But historians and students
of history should remember that the story of Hispanic
Caribbeans and their contributions to United States
culture and society begins long before the mid-twentieth
century.
SOURCES:
- César Andreu Iglesias (ed.) Memoirs of
Bernardo Vega: A Contribution to the History of the
Puerto Rican Community in New York. (Translated
by Juan Flores) New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984.
- Jesús Colón. The Way It Was and
Other Writings. E. Acosta-Belén and V.
Sánchez Korrol, (eds.). Houston: Arte Público
Press, 1993.
- Jesús Colón. A Puerto Rican in
New York and Other Sketches. New York: International
Publishers, 1982.
- Kenneth T. Jackson (ed.). The Encyclopedia
of New York City. New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1995.
- Virginia Sánchez Korrol. Teaching U.S.
Puerto Rican History. Washington, D.C. American
Historical Association, 1999.
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